USA Today
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Arsenic fouls review of new rules Uproar marks turning point
for president
By Jonathan Weisman and Mimi Hall
April 19, 2001
As the curtain rose on the Bush administration, White House
officials boldly began dismantling parts of former president
Bill Clinton's legacy. They dropped efforts to regulate carbon
dioxide, dumped an international global warming treaty, scuttled
repetitive-stress-injury regulations and repealed a host of
executive orders protecting organized labor.
Then came March 20.
The political firestorm that erupted after that date's decision
on arsenic levels in drinking water marked a turning point for
President Bush, when regulatory rollbacks turned dramatically
to pass-throughs.
''Call it 'Before Arsenic' and 'After Arsenic,' '' quips Gary
Bass, executive director of the White House watchdog group OMB
Watch. ''After arsenic, we've gotten a much more moderate tone.''
Upon taking office Jan. 20, Bush slapped a freeze on 175 regulations
issued by the Clinton administration, including 70 that had
been finalized but had not taken effect. Up to 35 were considered
major new rules; many had been completed in the Clinton White
House's final weeks.
But 90 days later, Bush has decided to repeal or significantly
change only four of those major regulations so far. He has changed
other Clinton administration initiatives through executive orders,
policy pronouncements and legislation. About two dozen major
regulations have been allowed to stand.
Through the months of February and March, the White House appeared
to pay little heed to traditionally Democratic interest groups
such as labor unions and environmentalists. In rapid succession,
the administration:
* Overturned five Clinton-era executive orders favoring
organized labor.
* Signed congressional legislation that scuttled regulations
to combat repetitive-stress injuries, such as carpal tunnel
syndrome and tendinitis.
* Dropped a campaign pledge to regulate carbon dioxide
emissions from power plants and announced that the United States
would withdraw from the Kyoto treaty on global warming.
* Moved toward repealing stringent environmental regulations
on hard-rock mining on federal land.
* Suspended requirements that government contracting
officers review whether a potential contractor violated environmental,
labor, consumer or employment laws or regulations.
* Signaled it would consider rewriting a Clinton regulation
that banned building roads in national forests.
Then came arsenic. On March 20, the Environmental Protection
Agency signaled it would significantly rewrite a Clinton-era
regulation that would have lowered the acceptable level of arsenic
in drinking water from 50 parts per billion to 10 parts per
billion.
The Clinton standard would have brought the U.S. drinking water
supply into line with World Health Organization and European
Union arsenic levels. Even so, the need for Clinton's level
of protection was hotly contested in scientific circles.
''The question is never posed: Do you want your water bill
to go up several hundreds of dollars a year to go from a one-in-500,000
to one-in-a-million chance of cancer?'' says Peitro Nivola,
a regulatory expert at the Brookings Institution.
But arsenic became a rallying cry for environmentalists, who
had little difficulty raising alarm bells about a substance
universally recognized as a deadly poison.
''You just hear the word 'arsenic,' and you think poison,''
says Susan Dudley, a senior research fellow at George Mason
University's Mercatus Center, which is critical of most regulations.
In the decision's wake, the shift has been dramatic. This month,
the Bush White House has announced it will let stand Clinton
regulations on energy-efficient washing machines and water heaters,
medical privacy, wetlands protection, lead reporting, and nutrition
labeling on meat and poultry.
Bush is not finished.
On Monday, the White House will announce its decision on a
Clinton-issued regulation banishing snowmobiles from national
parks.
The administration is also grappling with a far-reaching regulation
promoting patients' rights for Medicaid recipients.
White House aides say the review has been methodical. The individual
agencies make the initial call before sending the regulations
to the White House budget office. If no dissent emerges, the
budget office can make the decision on whether a regulation
stands or falls. If significant disagreements emerge, the White
House -- perhaps Bush himself -- makes the final decision. That
was the case with the medical privacy rule.
The shift has been both substantive and symbolic. White House
aides have sought to focus public attention on their decisions.
In February and March, the administration let stand major regulations
on food safety and diesel engines but got scant attention.
This month, they have stepped up their public-relations efforts:
They brought EPA administrator Christie Whitman to the White
House briefing room and sent the president to the Rose Garden
for a formal announcement.
Bush spokesman Dan Bartlett freely admits such events are meant
to ''shine a light'' on decisions that could counter the negative
image created by arsenic.
Though Bush appears to have become more favorable to his predecessor's
decisions, his aides are still quick to criticize Clinton's
last-minute regulatory rush.
''If the environmental actions that President Clinton took
that President Bush is studying were so important, why did President
Clinton wait until the last week to do these things?'' White
House spokesman Ari Fleischer asks.
White House aides still appear to be licking the wounds inflicted
by the media in the wake of the arsenic decision.
The press, Bartlett says, ''starts with the presumption that
what was done by the Clinton administration was correct.''